Ever since the beam balance was invented over three millennia ago, it has been used to measure what is now known as mass, but which, until the time of Newton, had always been known as “weight.” Eugene Hecht recently discussed the concept of “mass” from medieval times to Newton's Principia, including the gradual change from philosophical to evidence based scientific thinking, but did not discuss the pre-Newtonian meaning of “weight” which then had the meaning of both weight and mass. The distinction between weight and mass was initiated by Kepler and completed by Newton.

Eugene Hecht's recent scholarly work1 traces the concept of “mass” from medieval times to Newton's Principia,2 and adds much to our understanding of pre-Newtonian mass, and in particular, the gradual change from philosophical to scientific thinking. With the possible exception of his three laws of planetary motion, Kepler's contribution is often neglected, but it had a significant effect on Newton's discoveries. Astronomer-cosmologist Carl Sagan3 even suggested that without Kepler “Newtonian Physics might not have come to be.” It is no wonder that Newton4 said “If I have seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of giants” of whom Kepler was certainly one.

While Newton defined mass by his second law as m = f / a (measured in mass units) and weight as w = mg (measured in force units) Hecht discussed pre-Newtonian mass only, so it is suggested here that another important concept, which Hecht did not deal with, is the pre-Newtonian meaning of the word “weight,” because surprisingly, it was not a measure of weight as it is now known, but it was actually the measure of mass in pre-Newtonian times. It is not always realized that Newton actually changed the language of physics in this respect.5 

Ever since the beam balance was invented over three millennia ago, it has been used to measure what we now know as mass, which, until the time of Newton, was called “weight,” e.g., a “weight of 10 pounds.”6 However, the ancients believed that the beam balance also measured the associated downward force (of gravity) or “heaviness” which they recognized through their muscular senses. It does not.7 Nor, until the time of Hooke8 and Newton, was there any known method of measuring what we now call weight or force of gravity on the mass. Nevertheless, mass and its associated downward force were believed to be one and the same thing which was called “weight.”9 Balance is achieved by equalizing (but not measuring) the gravitational forces acting on each side by adjusting standard “weights” on one side (which post-Newton are properly called masses) but the beam balance is quite incapable of measuring the actual gravitational forces. This misconception appears to be one reason why Max Jammer10 came to the conclusion that “the ancients did not form a concept of mass.” In fact they did, but called it “weight.” Thus, pre-Newton “weight” had a dual meaning, weight as mass and weight as gravitational force.

On the one hand, the purveyors of all types of goods, their customers and the statutory regulators all believed that “weight” (as measured by a beam balance) was a measure of the quantity of a material. The primary purpose of weight standards was to promote fair trade, and in this respect weight was related to the quantity of goods, which we now call mass.11 A goldsmith and his customer, for example, both believed that an ounce of gold was a quantity of gold, not a downward force which had absolutely no relevance to their transaction. The major question here is whether a pound of lead is the same “quantity of matter” as a pound of beans, or a pound of sand. These all balance one against the other but do they contain the same amount of matter? In engineering, 1000 pounds of wood inside a building has the same effect on the foundations as 1000 pounds of bricks. On a ship, they would have the same effect on the depth of water relative to the hull. So, in engineering terms, and at least in these cases, both could be regarded as the same quantity of matter producing the same downward force.

On the other hand, Clagett12 says:

“At the heart of both ancient and modern systems of mechanics lie the nature, definition, and role of weight. All of the principal systems of mechanics from Aristotle to Newton accepted weight as a force.”

Archimedes,13 for example, expressed his principle in terms of “weight” although he could not measure it (as a force). He could only measure “gross weight” and “specific weight” which we would now call mass and specific mass (relative to water, and including the effect of the displaced fluid). Since the local value of g is constant, these are exactly proportional to what we now call weight. It might seem that Earth-bound engineers thought of “weight” as a force of gravity, but the heaven-bound astronomer Kepler thought of it as mass, as we shall see. It is on the basis of the above discussion that Kepler's ideas of mass and inertia can now be judged.

Because the word “weight” properly meant what we now call mass, it is difficult to see how any undefined word or phrase (e.g., mole, “amount of matter” or “quantity of matter”14) could have meant mass without defining it as “weight.” Kepler15 actually did this, when discussing the causes of periods of planetary motion in his Epitome where he states: “secunda pondus seu copia materiae transportandae” (“the second [cause] is the weight or the amount of matter (copia materiae)16 to be transported”) and “pondera vero, seu copia materiae in diversis Planetis” (“weights in truth, or the amount of matter in the different planets”) which means that Kepler defined the amount of matter in the planet as its “weight”—which we now call mass. Clearly, he did not mean here what is now known as weight (as a force). So Kepler did form a concept of mass, but called it “weight” as did everyone at that time.

About 65 years later, in an unfinished manuscript of the Principia, Newton17 wrote almost the same idea and using the same phrase, “amount of matter,” as Kepler used:

“By weight I mean the quantity or amount of matter (quantitas seu copia materiae) being moved, apart from considerations of gravity, so long as there is no question of gravitating bodies.”

At this time Newton had recognized that weight could mean two different physical quantities, which is the same point at which Kepler arrived in the above definition of weight as copia materiae. Newton had not yet decided how to rename the two components. Ultimately, he called the force of gravity weight and applied the new name mass to what he defined as “quantity of matter.”18 In Newtonian terminology then, the beam balance measures mass; it cannot and does not measure weight or the force of gravity, mg, because the measurement is independent of the value of g. Kepler's definition of weight (as mass) anticipates Newton's first definition of weight (as mass).

Following Jammer's19 translation of a passage from Astronomia Nova of 1609, Hecht suggested that Kepler may have used moles to mean mass. However, this was certainly not true in 1620 where Kepler differentiated between mole and pondere when discussing the revolution of planets stating “quanto sunt expeditiores ad motum, densitate, mole, pondere20 (inasmuch as they are readier for movement by reason of their density, bulk or weight).

Working from Tycho Brahe's remarkably accurate observations, Kepler discovered three laws of planetary motion, from the last of which Newton derived the inverse square law component of his universal law of gravitation.21 Thus, Kepler was probably one of Newton's greatest influences. However, Kepler's laws formed a purely empirical geometric model and did not constitute a physical model.

Kepler then set out to devise a physical model for the behavior of the planets. In the second edition of Mysterium Cosmographicum in which he added notes representing 25 years of experience after the first edition—Kepler introduced a “capacity of resistance” or inertia which is associated with the “weight” of the planets:

“The planetary bodies moving or revolving around the sun must be considered, not as mathematical points, but obviously as material bodies having, as it were, a certain weight… that is, insofar as they are endowed, in proportion to the bulk of their bodies and the density of their substance, with the capacity to resist motion imparted to them from without.” 22 

Here again, Kepler uses “weight” to mean mass, rather than force, and associates that mass with inertia. His statement is remarkably similar to Newton's definition of quantity of matter (as volume x density23).

However, Kepler's “inertia” was a force resistant to continuous motion, not to change of motion, and operated as a retarding force on a body undergoing continuous motion caused by some externally applied force, in this case by some sort of rays from a rotating sun. It is essentially based on the belief that it is harder to continuously push (without acceleration) a heavy body than a light one. It therefore follows the Aristotelian idea that any continuing motion must be sustained by the force of a mover, and if the moving force is removed, then the body will come to rest. This model of inertia failed because it followed ancient philosophical teachings which Newton clearly rejected saying “I do not mean Kepler's force of inertia by which bodies tend to rest, but the force of remaining in the same state whether of resting or moving.”24 In any case, some eight years earlier, Galilei25 had already introduced the concept of inertia (but did not name it) in quite opposite terms—as something that would maintain the circular motion of a ship around the earth provided all external impediments were removed. In the present case inertia would maintain the planets on their course around the sun in the impediment-free space.

Kepler was drawn between rational based philosophy and evidence based science. His three laws of planetary motion were brilliantly scientific, and were the first complete evidence for a solar centered system. Newton used them in determining his inverse square law of gravity. Kepler promoted the idea that the planets were material bodies, having all the properties of ordinary bodies. Most importantly, he realized that “weight” really meant what we now call mass, using the term “amount of matter” (copia materiae) in place of the rather vague philosophical term “quantity of matter” (quantitas materiae) which had no scientific meaning. About 65 years later, Newton virtually mirrored Kepler's words, and made “quantity of matter” synonymous with Kepler's “amount of matter” which he then named mass and defined further by his now famous second law. Thus Kepler anticipated Newton's definition of “quantity of matter” and could well have been instrumental in suggesting the idea to Newton, particularly as Newton originally used the same phrase (copia materiae) before naming it “mass.” However, Kepler's model of “inertia” as a capacity to resist motion rather than acceleration was based on Aristotelian thinking and was rejected by Newton.

1.
Eugene
Hecht
, “
Kepler and the origins of pre-Newtonian mass
,”
Am. J. Phys.
85
,
115
123
(
2017
).
2.
Isaac
Newton
,
The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy
, translation of the third edition by
A.
Motte
, (
B. Motte
,
London
,
1729
). The first edition was published in 1687.
3.
Carl
Sagan
,
The Demon-Haunted World
(
Headline
,
London
,
1996
).
4.
Newton 1675/6
, “
Letter to Hooke
,” in
The correspondence of Isaac Newton
, edited by
H. W.
Turnbull
, Vol.
1
(
The Royal Society
,
Cambridge
,
1959
), p.
416
.
5.

A language problem still exists. To “weigh” something using a beam balance does not measure weight, but mass! To weigh something by extending a spring balance calibrated in force units determines weight (gravitational force).

6.
The unit of mass is arbitrary and is set by a statutory authority. In Newton's day, the English statutory unit of mass, then known as “weight,” was the Elizabethan pound, which was legalized in 1587 (100 years pre-Principia) and remained the standard until 1824, contrary to Hecht's statement in his conclusions. See
C. M.
Watson
,
British Weights and Measures: As Described in the Laws of England from Anglo-Saxon Times
(
John Murray
,
London
,
1910
). This book, published in 1910, does not mention the word mass. “Weight” meaning mass, has well survived Newton.
7.

The beam balance only measures one component, m, of weight, mg. At balance, the downward forces (weights) are equal, but cannot be measured by the beam balance. Thus m1g = m2g so that m1 = m2 and the mass of the test body is equal to the mass of the standard masses and independent of the local value of g. Using the same equipment, the same mass would be measured on the moon. A balance placed on an platform accelerating towards the pans at a rate a in empty space similarly measures mass, since m1a = m2a so that m1 = m2.

8.
Robert
Hooke
,
De Potentia Restitutiva, or Of Spring
(
The Royal Society
,
London
,
1678
). Hooke's law meant that a calibrated elastic spring can be used to measure a force and therefore weight, since in the elastic region of deformation, the applied force is proportional to extension (stress is proportional to strain).
9.

Remnants of this type of thinking still exist in the non-SI unit pound-force equal to the gravitational force exerted by a mass of one pound on the surface of Earth. It is inaccurate by less than ± 0.35% due to variation of g over the earth.

10.
Max
Jammer
,
Concepts of Mass in Classical and Modern Physics
(
Harvard U.P.
,
Cambridge, MA
,
1961
), p.
29
.
11.

The primary purpose of statutes set up by authorities was the standardization of weights (as mass) related to the quantity of goods and not for engineering purposes (as weight or force). For example, a statute passed in the middle of the 14th century states (Ref. 6, Watson p.50) “As we have been given to understand that certain merchants buy goods of avoirdupois, wools, and other merchandise by one weight and sell by another, and also that they act deceitfully in the matter of weighing; and also that they use false measures and yards, so as grievously to deceive us and all the people and the honest merchants; we will and ordain that one weight, one measure, and one yard be used throughout all the land,… and that wool and all goods of avoirdupois shall be weighed by the balance.” The word “avoirdupois” means merchandise sold by weight, the term avoirdupois originally being a corruption of spelling of avoir de pois meaning goods of weight and not the particular standard of weight. That is “weight” had the meaning of a quantity of material.

12.
Marshall
Clagett
,
The Science of Mechanics in the Middle Ages
(
University of Wisconsin Press
,
Madison
,
1959
), p.
673
.
13.
Archimedes
,
The Works of Archimedes
, edited by
T. L.
Heath
(
Cambridge U.P.
,
Cambridge
,
1897
), see “On floating bodies,” pp.
253
300
.
Marshall
Clagett
, “
The Impact of Archimedes on Medieval Science
,”
Isis
50
,
419
429
(
1959
). Clagett says “The importance of the role played by Archimedes in the history of science can scarcely be exaggerated.”
14.

“Quantity of matter” or quantitas materiae had been a purely philosophical phrase (see Reference 10, Jammer, Chapter 4) which was scientifically undefined. Newton solved the problem by defining “quantity of matter” and naming it mass, which avoided the imprecision of the philosophical definitions of matter and stopped any future arguments about the then scientifically undefined philosophical term. He was able to do this because he could show that both gravitational and mechanical forces acted on mass as F = ma, regardless of what material the mass was composed. Newton's very first definition in his Principia (Ref. 2) was: “The Quantity of Matter is the measure of the same, arising from its density and bulk conjunctly.” Thus, says Newton, a pound of lead is the same “quantity of matter” as a pound of beans.

15.
Johannes
Kepler
, Epitome Astronomiae Copernicanae (1620) Vol. 2, in
Gesammelte Werke
Vol.
7
(
Beck
,
Munchen
,
1991
), pp.
306
307
;
English:
Great books of the Western World
, Vol. 16, translated by
C G
Wallis
(
W. Benton, Encyclopaedia Britannica
,
Chicago
,
1923
), p.
905
.
16.
Here, Kepler avoids the philosophical term quantitas materiae (see Ref. 14) using instead copia materiae which is sometimes incorrectly translated as “quantity of matter” also. See, for example:
P.
Bussotti
,
The Complex Itinerary of Leibniz's Planetary Theory
(
Birkhäuser
,
Cham
,
2015
), p.
33
.
17.
Bernard
Cohen
, “A guide to Newton's Principia,” in
Isaac Newton, The Principia: Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy
, a new translation by
I.
Bernard Cohen
and
Anne
Whitman
(
Berkeley
,
University of California Press
,
1999
), pp.
86
87
, Sec. 4.2 Quantity of matter.
18.

Newton didn't define mass directly—he defined quantitas materiae (quantity of matter) as “arising from its density and bulk conjunctly” then named it body or mass.

19.
Reference 10, Jammer, p. 54, paras. 1, 2. Here Jammer translates moles as mass. However,
W. H.
Donahoe
in
Selections from Kepler's Astronomia
(
Green Lion Press
,
Santa Fe, NM
,
2008
), p.
13
, para 5, here translates moles as “bulk.” Likewise Cohen (Ref. 17, p. 86) also translates moles as “bulk.”
20.
Johannes
Kepler
,
Epitome Astronomiae Copernicanae in Gesammelte Werke
, Vol.
7
(
Beck
,
München
,
1991
), pp.
306
307
;
English:
Great books of the Western World
, Vol.
16
, translated by
C. G.
Wallis
(
W. Benton, Encyclopaedia Britannica
,
Chicago
), p.
921
. Originally published 1620.
21.
Gerald
Holton
,
Thematic Origins of Scientific Thought: Kepler to Einstein
(
Harvard U.P.
,
Cambridge
,
1973
), p.
73
, note 13: “Newton's real debt to Kepler was best summarized in his own letter to Halley, July 14, 1686: ‘But for the duplicate proportion [the inverse-square law of gravitation] I can affirm that I gathered it from Kepler's theorem about twenty years ago'.”
See
S. P.
Rigaud
,
Historical Essay on the First Publication of Sir Isaac Newton's Principia
(
Oxford U.P.
,
Oxford
,
1838
), Appendix, p. 40.
22.
Johannes
Kepler
,
Mysterium Cosmographicum
, 2nd ed. (Latin) (
Erasmus Kempfer
,
Frankfurt am Main
,
1621
), p.
61
.
The translation given here is that of
Edward
Rosen
, “
Kepler's harmonics and his concept of inertia
,”
Am. J. Phys.
34
,
610
613
(
1966
). However, Reference 8, Jammer, p. 57—writes extrinsecus as intrinsecus and translates it as “an intrinsic faculty of resistance” rather than “externally applied motion” (lit. “extrinsic motion”).
23.
At that time, density usually meant relative density with respect to water, measured by weighing the material in air and while immersed in water. It had the advantage of being independent of the units of mass and volume used. See, for example,
John
Harris
,
Lexicon Technicum
(
printed for Dan Brown
 et al.,
London
,
1704
), pp.
250
251
.
Kepler's and Newton's definition of mass in terms of density and volume in both is therefore not circuital as was suggested by
Ernst
Mach
,
The Science of Mechanics
, translated by
T. J.
McCormack
, 1919, 4th English ed. (
Open Court
,
Chicago
,
1919
). See also note 18 above.
24.
I.
Bernard Cohen
, “
Newton's turned down copy of Leibnitz's Théodicée; with some remarks on the turned down pages of books in Newton's library
,”
Isis
73
,
410
414
(
1982
), p. 411.
25.
Galileo
Galilei
, 1613,
History and Demonstrations Concerning Sunspots and their Phenomena
(
Giacomo Mascardi
,
Rome
,
1613
). Excerpts in English: Galileo Galilei, Discoveries and Opinions of Galileo, translated by S. Drake (Anchor Books, New York, 1957), pp.113–114: “therefore, all external impediments removed, a heavy body on a spherical surface concentric with the earth will be indifferent to rest and to movements toward any part of the horizon… Thus a ship, having once received some impetus through the tranquil sea, would move continually around our globe without ever stopping; and placed at rest it would perpetually remain at rest, if in the first case all extrinsic impediments could be removed, and in the second case no external cause of motion were added.”